PLATAFORMAS DIGITALES Y DESTREZAS INTEGRADAS DEL INGLÉS: DIAGNÓSTICO CENSAL EN UN CONTEXTO
RURAL FRONTERIZO DEL CARCHI, ECUADOR
pedagogical functions of the platforms reaches a frequency that would allow them to build up
routines of practice. This reading is consistent with the findings of research in Latin America,
which has found that the sporadic incorporation of technology is not related to explicit learning
goals (20-22) and with studies of rural Ecuadorian teachers, where pedagogical training in
technology is found as a more severe constraint than equipment (2,3).
It works the same with perceived usefulness. Students do not oppose the resource, rate it above
the midpoint and listening comprehension exercises score the highest in the whole instrument
and are reported as infrequent. There is no claim of an arithmetic distance between the two sets
of items, as the questions are different in kind. What can be said is that a positive attitude coexists
with low exposure, and that closing that gap is a planning decision, not an equipment purchase.
Theoretically the most interesting finding is the reversal at the extremes of the two orderings.
Listening comprehension is the lowest platform-mediated use with the highest self-perceived
use, while oral production is the most with the lowest self-perceived use. This is in opposition to
the parallel ordering that was expected in the introduction, where more exposure to platforms
should be related to higher self-perceived performance. There are two non-exclusive
explanations. The first is the inherent imbalance between receptive and productive skills:
research on language-learning applications has consistently found that comprehension skills are
more likely to improve than oral skills, even when the amount of practice is the same (4-6). The
second is the contact with English in an extramural context. In the out-of-school environment,
students encounter the language primarily in the form of listening, such as in song lyrics, audio
and voice communication in video games, streamed series, and short-form video on social media.
That contact is dense, self-selected and comprehension-driven and there is no production and no
corrective feedback, which is the profile of the skill that scored highest here. It would also account
for the fact that a skill such as listening can be scarce in a classroom and high in self-perceived
competence, since the exposure that maintains listening is not administered by the teacher, and
thus has no effect on block A, which records only the activity of the classroom mediated by the
platform. Oral production, on the other hand, requires continuous corrective feedback,
something that is not provided by sporadic app use or informal exposure (16,18). The instrument
did not include any out-of-school contact with the language, and therefore cannot be tested here;
and it is presented as a hypothesis for future research; an extramural-exposure module would be
the single most informative addition to a replication. The use index for listening comprehension
is also based on one item in both readings, so the magnitude of the reversal (not its direction) is
not determined.
A single generalist application is a risk because of the concentration of preference. The most
publicly visible tool is the most-mentioned, not the one that matches to students' reported skill
areas where they feel they have difficulties: the pronunciation and fluency tool receives the least.
When the choice of resources is left to spontaneous preference, it is a foregone conclusion that
the skill that is currently best will be strengthened and the one that is poorest will be neglected.
The literature on automatic speech recognition (ASR) and on automated written feedback (AWF)
both concur that the formative value of these tools relies on teachers' choice, sequence, and
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